Posted on Categories:Psychology, 心理学

# 心理学代写|心理学代考Psychology代写|PSY1100 Big Ben to Breakfast Table

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## 心理学代写|心理学代考Psychology代写|Big Ben to Breakfast Table

respond to popular will, but they have the potential to shape it and bring broader palettes of public opinion into formal political debate that may, or may not, fit within the normative and ideological boundaries of ‘being democratic’. For those students or concerned observers of the degenerative slide to mainstream populism and dog-whistle ‘claim-making’ seen in Western democracies (for an overview, see Dean and Maiguashca, 2020), the psychology of politicians has taken on new meaning and urgency.

This chapter does not focus, then, on the institutional mechanisms by which democracy is enacted, but rather the psychological characteristics of the people who are deemed eligible to act in citizens’ best interests. Over the last decade, political scientists and political psychologists have made significant headway in this field by acquiring and analysing self-report data on the psychological predispositions of politicians in comparative contexts. In the United States of America, Canada, Germany, Italy, Denmark, Belgium and the $\mathrm{UK}$, research has shown that politics is a job few ‘ordinary’ people care to enter (Best, 20II; Caprara et al., 20ro; Hanania, 20 17; Nørgaard and Klemmensen, 20I8; Scott and Medeiros, 2020; Weinberg, 2020a). On personality characteristics such as traits and basic values, elected politicians (as well as those who stand for election) differ in a myriad of ways to those who elect them, as well as each other, when divided by party, gender and ethnicity. Psychological predispositions such as personality characteristics also influence who climbs the greasy pole of electoral politics to enter executive office (Joly et al., $20 \mathrm{I} 9$; Weinberg, 20 I9), as well as how politicians act out a variety of legislative behaviours (Weinberg, 2020b).

## 心理学代写|心理学代考Psychology代写|Political Attitudes among Elites and Masses

In observing the democratic links between elites and masses, there has been a tendency to seek causal relationships between the public policy preferences of each. Put simply, who leads and who follows when it comes to defining the political zeitgeist? On one hand, a top-down approach to opinion formation has long contended that elites share a broad governing consensus that is transferred to a ‘largely passive, apathetic and ill-informed’ public (Dye and Ziegler, I978, p. 6; see also Federico, 2015; Johnston, Lavine and Federico, 2017). On the other hand, a democratic-responsiveness model suggests that elected representatives act as delegates who follow the opinions of mass publics (for an extended discussion, see Page and Shapiro, 1983 ). Both models have been used to explain similar structures in elite and mass opinions: one accounting for the dissemination of elite preferences and the other suggesting sensitivity to public views by electorally attentive politicians.

Unsurprisingly, longitudinal studies of elite and mass opinion tend to support both of these theoretical (and tautologically interlinked) propositions. In the United States of America, Cunningham and Moore ( I997) carried out time-series analysis of opinion polls conducted with American members of Congress and voters every four years between 1974 and I 994 . Focusing specifically on foreign policy attitudes, Cunningham and Moore note that elites and masses share similar patterns of opinion change over time, while holding and maintaining very different opinions at any individual time point. Moreover, the time-lagged effects of elite and mass opinions linked to the attitude changes of each other were significantly weaker than the lagged effects over time of each group’s own prior opinions. Of possibly more interest, elite perceptions of mass opinion over the time series were substantially different from actual mass opinion across four out of five issues polled. These nuanced dynamics of elite and mass opinion have been studied in greater detail in comparative contexts. In France, for example, Tiberj and Kerrouche (2013) find that the distance between MPs and voters changes according to the hegemony of the opinion and its issue domain (whether social, cultural or economic), that MPs in certain parties are more alienated from public opinion than others (particularly those on the ideological fringe), and that MPs are more polarised in their political opinions than voters (see also Jost, 2006; Zaller, I992). Taken together, this research base points to something more complex than either explanation offered by leader-follower models of representative democracy.

# 心理学代写

## 心理学代写|心理学代考Psychology代写|Political Attitudes among Elites and Masses

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## MATLAB代写

MATLAB 是一种用于技术计算的高性能语言。它将计算、可视化和编程集成在一个易于使用的环境中，其中问题和解决方案以熟悉的数学符号表示。典型用途包括：数学和计算算法开发建模、仿真和原型制作数据分析、探索和可视化科学和工程图形应用程序开发，包括图形用户界面构建MATLAB 是一个交互式系统，其基本数据元素是一个不需要维度的数组。这使您可以解决许多技术计算问题，尤其是那些具有矩阵和向量公式的问题，而只需用 C 或 Fortran 等标量非交互式语言编写程序所需的时间的一小部分。MATLAB 名称代表矩阵实验室。MATLAB 最初的编写目的是提供对由 LINPACK 和 EISPACK 项目开发的矩阵软件的轻松访问，这两个项目共同代表了矩阵计算软件的最新技术。MATLAB 经过多年的发展，得到了许多用户的投入。在大学环境中，它是数学、工程和科学入门和高级课程的标准教学工具。在工业领域，MATLAB 是高效研究、开发和分析的首选工具。MATLAB 具有一系列称为工具箱的特定于应用程序的解决方案。对于大多数 MATLAB 用户来说非常重要，工具箱允许您学习应用专业技术。工具箱是 MATLAB 函数（M 文件）的综合集合，可扩展 MATLAB 环境以解决特定类别的问题。可用工具箱的领域包括信号处理、控制系统、神经网络、模糊逻辑、小波、仿真等。